Cory Booker places staff in Iowa ahead of potential White House run. Barack Obama rallies California Democrats. Ted Cruz may lose midterm for not being 'likable'. Progressives eye Delaware Senate race as next to upset Democrats. Barack Obama to hit campaign trail for Democrats in Ohio and California. Nancy Pelosi leads Democrats into battle again — while watching her back.
Republican hopeful for Florida governor accused of using racial slur — video. Ron DeSantis tells Florida voters not to 'monkey this up' by choosing Gillum. The Republican candidate made the comment about his African American opponent hours after the gubernatorial primary results. Florida governor race to pit leftwing Democrat against Trump Republican.
The big question is how far Democrats can reach into places where only one of those advantages is present: Russia targeting elections. Russia targeting elections This battlefield reflects the long-term trends that have seen Democrats demonstrate increasing strength up and down the ballot in diverse, heavily college-educated, major metropolitan areas -- even in Republican-leaning states. In parallel, Republicans have established dominant control over preponderantly white non-metro and blue-collar areas, even in otherwise Democratic-leaning states.
All of these trends have accelerated under Trump. Amid improving attitudes toward the Republican tax bill, several recent polls have shown a small but measurable uptick in President Trump's job approval rating and a narrowing into the mid-single digits of the previously double-digit advantage Democrats have held in the "generic" ballot test of preferences for But even with those shifts, polls still consistently find a deeply polarized electorate.
Trump and the GOP retain solid support among white men without college degrees, if slightly less than they attracted in But they are facing intense resistance from younger and non-white voters -- especially African-Americans -- and much lower numbers than usual among college-educated whites, especially, but not exclusively, women.
Republicans are suddenly more optimistic about the midterms. White women without a college education, whose support was critical to Trump's victory, loom as a wild card: Polls find they have cooled on him, but Democrats still face many obstacles with them. These diverging demographic attitudes shape the geography of the battlefield. The clearest opportunity for Democrats is the relatively few remaining Republican-held districts in blue metro areas with large populations of college-educated whites, and in many cases substantial minority and youth populations as well.
These are places crowded with voters who tilt toward liberal positions on social issues and recoil from Trump's volatile persona, particularly the way he talks about race. The renewed visibility of gun control issues after the horrific Parkland, Florida, massacre could provide Democrats another lever in these districts, since the Republicans in them have almost universally voted with the National Rifle Association to loosen gun regulations in recent years. These "red pockets" include the four seats Republicans control in Orange County -- the districts held by Mimi Walters and Dana Rohrabacher and the open seats that will be vacated by Darrell Issa and Ed Royce -- as well as their sole remaining seat in Los Angeles County, held by Steve Knight.
Others that fit this description include the seats in the western Chicago suburbs held by Republican Peter Roskam and in the eastern Denver suburbs held by Mike Coffman; the three suburban Philadelphia seats held by Ryan Costello, Mike Fitzpatrick and Pat Meehan who has announced he will not seek re-election amid a sex scandal ; the northern Virginia seat held by Barbara Comstock; two open seats in New Jersey as well as the one defended by Rep.
Missouri Democrat wins district won by Trump Though Romney carried many of these seats -- often narrowly -- in , Hillary Clinton won all of those listed above in except for the seats held by Lewis and Fitzpatrick, which Trump won by eyelash margins, and Zeldin's, which Trump won more comfortably.
These resemble the places where Democrats showed the most dramatic gains in , for instance in their sweep of legislative seats and the huge margins they generated in the governor's race in northern Virginia. Compounding the GOP's vulnerability, the new congressional map the Pennsylvania Supreme Court issued Monday, after earlier ruling that the current district lines represented an impermissible gerrymander, strengthened the Democrats' hand in all three suburban Philadelphia seats.
For Republicans, the key in these booming districts will be whether the good economy helps them recapture voters recoiling from Trump's personal behavior. One complication is these blue-state upper-middle-class suburbs are among the most likely losers from the GOP tax plan, which limits the deductibility of mortgage interest and state and local taxes.
Democrats are highly unlikely to win back the House without maximizing their gains in the red pockets. The next bucket of seats is demographically similar to the red pockets but politically distinct because they are in metro areas that lean much more reliably toward the GOP.
I call this group of seats Romneyland because they are filled with voters who resemble Romney demographically and ideologically: There is a wave of Republicans leaving Congress, updated again.
Romney won virtually every seat in this category in In , Trump lost ground relative to Romney in almost all of them, though the residual Republican strength was great enough that he still carried many, albeit often narrowly. These seats are not immune from the forces threatening the Republicans in the red pockets: But as Handel's slim victory over Democrat Jon Ossoff showed, Republicans have more of a cushion in these places than in the red pockets.
That's partly because more of the white-collar whites in them are social conservatives than their counterparts in the Democratic-leaning metro areas. The third key test for Democrats is the districts I call "blue-collar blues. Dems flip deep-red Missouri state House seat
Congressional Elections and Midterm Elections Congressional elections affect your state's representation in Congress. Congress is the legislative branch of the federal government that includes the House of Representatives and the Senate.
Mar 06, · A number of special elections are included. Here's a look at where things stand and what's coming up in each of the midterm primaries. A number of special elections are included.
The latest news, opinion and analysis on the US midterm elections. Editorial: Elections this week confirm that the Republicans face a struggle to stay in control of Congress in November. Feb 20, · Red pockets. Romneyland. Blue-collar blues. Those labels describe the groups of seats in the House of Representatives that will likely determine control of the chamber in November's midterm election.
WASHINGTON — In every midterm election since the Civil War, the president's party has lost, on average, 32 seats in the House and two in the Senate. In next year's battles, Democrats need only 24 seats to flip the House and two to take the Senate. ANAHEIM, Calif. – Barack Obama’s plunge into the midterm elections on Saturday served its central purpose: For Democrats in critical House races – many of them new to politics – appearing.